Which brings us to the second 100 days. In theory, the demise of the National Industrial Recovery Act could have cowed the administration, as the Supreme Court seemed poised to begin striking down much of the New Deal. But instead, Roosevelt chose to pursue a new, bold course of action. In June of 1935, he called another special session of Congress, and laid out four “must-pass” pieces of legislation: A new labor plan from Sen. Robert Wagner, a banking bill, a law aimed at breaking up large utility holding companies that were seen as monopolistic menaces sitting atop the electricity sector, and—most crucially—his social security proposal. Later, he added a tax bill designed to “soak the rich.” All passed, though the tax bill was watered down quite a bit.
Without these accomplishments, the New Deal would have been an impressive effort of economic firefighting and expansion of federal power, with some lasting legacies like banking deposit insurance and securities regulations. With them, Roosevelt laid down the bricks of a truly transformative legacy. (Historians often refer to his domestic accomplishments from 1935 on as “the Second New Deal.”) Most momentous was the Social Security Act, which would undergird the modern welfare state, creating our national system of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance as well as aid programs for the children of widows and the blind. The Wagner Act—aka the National Labor Relations Act—became the cornerstone of U.S. labor law. The banking bill essentially created the structure of the modern Federal Reserve, centralizing power over monetary policy with the presidentially appointed Board of Governors. The holding company bill breathed new life into the antitrust movement, and signaled a philosophical break with the thinking that had birthed the NIRA.
Barring an unlikely turn of events, it is virtually impossible to imagine that Joe Biden will get a similar window to govern, given the slim majorities Democrats hold on Capitol Hill and the structural advantages Republicans enjoy, such as their ability to control redistricting in crucial states, that make it likely they’ll at least win back the House no matter what Joe Biden’s approval rating is. Democrats could try to preserve their chances by passing legislation that would ban partisan gerrymandering, such as the voting rights bill H.R. 1, but as of now that seems unlikely to happen. Biden may well be able to follow up his massive effort at disaster response with historic bills modernizing our infrastructure and welfare state. But there won’t necessarily be a lot of chances to find out what’s worked and what hasn’t, and change directions where necessary.
It would be nice if we still had a political system where a popular progressive president could continue to govern and refine or build on his agenda. But without some sort of reforms, that possibility might be history.
So let’s look beyond the first 100 days. Biden could still emulate FDR in another crucial way. It is said that a group of civil rights activists and labor leaders, including A. Philip Randolph, once met with Roosevelt prior to the start of World War II to insist he use the power of the presidency to take action against discrimination in the workplace. “You’ve convinced me,” FDR responded, having listened to them lay out their demands. “Now go out and make me do it.”
The story is almost certainly apocryphal (though, to be fair, singer Harry Belafonte claimed to have heard a version of it from Eleanor Roosevelt herself.) True or not, the point of the story is clear: Politicians inside the system need allies outside of it; outsiders willing to publicly pressure them and, on occasion, provide cover for bold, outside-the-box moves. To quote essayist Ta-Nehisi Coates: “Politicians respond to only one thing — power. This is not the flaw of democracy, it’s the entire point. It’s the job of activists to generate, and apply, enough pressure on the system to affect change.”
We need to get over the idea that Biden has only one or two chances for far-reaching legislation, according to the Senate parliamentarian, he has many – all he has to keep in mind is that all of them must be tied to the budget – if they are he can ignore the republicans altogether, as they seem bent on total blockage on ideological grounds! The Senate parliamentarian gave us a wonderful opportunity, here, let’s not blow it hoping the republicans can be persuaded to climb on board – they won’t!
Next year we will see whether Americans want “progress” or stasis, but ALL that means is that we cannot afford to dither away the chance for progress on the hope that republicans will come to their senses (they won’t! They have none!)
Newenglandah about 3 years ago
I agree that Joe hit it out of the park!
briangj2 about 3 years ago
Which brings us to the second 100 days. In theory, the demise of the National Industrial Recovery Act could have cowed the administration, as the Supreme Court seemed poised to begin striking down much of the New Deal. But instead, Roosevelt chose to pursue a new, bold course of action. In June of 1935, he called another special session of Congress, and laid out four “must-pass” pieces of legislation: A new labor plan from Sen. Robert Wagner, a banking bill, a law aimed at breaking up large utility holding companies that were seen as monopolistic menaces sitting atop the electricity sector, and—most crucially—his social security proposal. Later, he added a tax bill designed to “soak the rich.” All passed, though the tax bill was watered down quite a bit.
Without these accomplishments, the New Deal would have been an impressive effort of economic firefighting and expansion of federal power, with some lasting legacies like banking deposit insurance and securities regulations. With them, Roosevelt laid down the bricks of a truly transformative legacy. (Historians often refer to his domestic accomplishments from 1935 on as “the Second New Deal.”) Most momentous was the Social Security Act, which would undergird the modern welfare state, creating our national system of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance as well as aid programs for the children of widows and the blind. The Wagner Act—aka the National Labor Relations Act—became the cornerstone of U.S. labor law. The banking bill essentially created the structure of the modern Federal Reserve, centralizing power over monetary policy with the presidentially appointed Board of Governors. The holding company bill breathed new life into the antitrust movement, and signaled a philosophical break with the thinking that had birthed the NIRA.
(To be continued)
briangj2 about 3 years ago
(Conclusion)
Barring an unlikely turn of events, it is virtually impossible to imagine that Joe Biden will get a similar window to govern, given the slim majorities Democrats hold on Capitol Hill and the structural advantages Republicans enjoy, such as their ability to control redistricting in crucial states, that make it likely they’ll at least win back the House no matter what Joe Biden’s approval rating is. Democrats could try to preserve their chances by passing legislation that would ban partisan gerrymandering, such as the voting rights bill H.R. 1, but as of now that seems unlikely to happen. Biden may well be able to follow up his massive effort at disaster response with historic bills modernizing our infrastructure and welfare state. But there won’t necessarily be a lot of chances to find out what’s worked and what hasn’t, and change directions where necessary.
It would be nice if we still had a political system where a popular progressive president could continue to govern and refine or build on his agenda. But without some sort of reforms, that possibility might be history.
https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/opinion/actually-fdrs-second-100-days-were-cooler/ar-BB1gfGdR
briangj2 about 3 years ago
So let’s look beyond the first 100 days. Biden could still emulate FDR in another crucial way. It is said that a group of civil rights activists and labor leaders, including A. Philip Randolph, once met with Roosevelt prior to the start of World War II to insist he use the power of the presidency to take action against discrimination in the workplace. “You’ve convinced me,” FDR responded, having listened to them lay out their demands. “Now go out and make me do it.”
The story is almost certainly apocryphal (though, to be fair, singer Harry Belafonte claimed to have heard a version of it from Eleanor Roosevelt herself.) True or not, the point of the story is clear: Politicians inside the system need allies outside of it; outsiders willing to publicly pressure them and, on occasion, provide cover for bold, outside-the-box moves. To quote essayist Ta-Nehisi Coates: “Politicians respond to only one thing — power. This is not the flaw of democracy, it’s the entire point. It’s the job of activists to generate, and apply, enough pressure on the system to affect change.”
https://www.msnbc.com/opinion/joe-biden-no-fdr-if-he-keeps-listening-progressives-he-n1265720
MuddyUSA Premium Member about 3 years ago
Many of our Founding Fathers had the same idea as Coates!
wellis1947 Premium Member about 3 years ago
We need to get over the idea that Biden has only one or two chances for far-reaching legislation, according to the Senate parliamentarian, he has many – all he has to keep in mind is that all of them must be tied to the budget – if they are he can ignore the republicans altogether, as they seem bent on total blockage on ideological grounds! The Senate parliamentarian gave us a wonderful opportunity, here, let’s not blow it hoping the republicans can be persuaded to climb on board – they won’t!
Next year we will see whether Americans want “progress” or stasis, but ALL that means is that we cannot afford to dither away the chance for progress on the hope that republicans will come to their senses (they won’t! They have none!)